1996 Islamic Archaeology Diaz-Andreu

8/6/2019 1996 Islamic Archaeology Diaz-Andreu

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Published as:

Daz-Andreu, M. (1996). Islamic Archaeology and the Origin of the SpanishNation. Archaeology and Nationalism in Europe. M. Daz-Andreu and T.Champion. London, UCL Press: 68-89.

Chapter 15

Islamic Archaeology and the Origin of the Spanish

Nation.

Margarita Daz-Andreu.

Introduction

Political nationalism is founded on the idea of the nation. This is conceived asthe natural unit of a human group which by its very nature has the right toconstitute a political entity. If nations exist, they must, by definition, have a pastwhich, for their own good and that of the individuals who belong to them, shouldbe known and propagated. From the end of the eighteenth century, therefore,

the emergence of political nationalism converted the production of this historyinto a patriotic duty. The growing number of intellectuals responsible for theextensive apologetic historical literature which was produced in each nationcertainly saw themselves as patriots. These histories claimed to chart theorigins and development characteristic of each individual nation, and itsparticular spirit at each stage of its evolution (Kedourie 1970: 36 quoted in BlasGuerrero 1984: 87). This article focuses on the first of these functions, namelyreflection on the historical origins of the nation.

Throughout the nineteenth century and even up to the present, of all the periodsliable to be selected as the birth of the nation the different European

nationalisms most frequently opted for the Middle Ages. Whilst there werecertainly many attempts to locate their origins in earlier times, throughout thetwo centuries of nationalism's existence undoubtedly the most popular optionhas been to establish the germ of each nation in the Medieval period. Variousreasons can be put forward to explain it. On the one hand, given that during thefirst centuries of our era the Roman Empire extended over much of Europe, itwas clearly inappropriate to seek in this the origins of the distinguishingcharacteristics of any individual nation, even if, as Canfora (1980) has shown,much of the nationalist discourse was derived from the study of this. On theother hand, the widespread ignorance of earlier periods at the beginning of thenineteenth century {END OF PAGE 68} meant that these could scarcely be

incorporated into national histories. Significantly, the subsequent developmentof prehistoric studies did not radically change this situation. Prehistorians, atleast those of countries with a Roman presence, though with the exception of


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Greece (See Chapter 6 KOSTAS KOTSAKIS), were only partially successful inimposing their ideas (for the Spanish case, see Daz Andreu forthcoming a andb). In opposition to them, those who defended the medieval origins of the nationput forward the powerful argument that the states then in existence were thedirect heirs of medieval kingdoms. Finally, the political importance whichChristianity had until then enjoyed in much of Europe (above all in Catholiccountries) signified that the period in which this had been introduced, or at leastpopularized, would be taken as the obvious beginning of each European nation.And this period was the Middle Ages.

In most European countries the medieval origin of the nation did not posesignificant problems for accounts of the national past. However, in southernEuropean countries, such as Greece and Spain, the Moslem presence duringmuch of that period or towards the end of it was evidently problematic. In thecase of Greece, historians chose to omit all references to the Turkish periodfrom the national history. In Spain, however, the process was more complex, asbetween 711 and 1482 the Iberian Peninsula had been divided on a religious

basis into two great territories, one Moslem and the other Christian. In a countrycharacterised by hundreds of years of strict Catholicism, the location of theorigins of the Spanish nation in the medieval period presented an evidentcontradiction for the nationalist construction. As a result, authors opted toemphasise the role played by Fernando and Isabel, the Catholic Monarchs, increating the Spanish nation. They united the various Christian kingdoms in thepeninsula, conquered the last Moslem stronghold in Spain, Granada, in 1492,and initiated the most glorious period in Spanish history through their supportfor Columbus and the subsequent discovery of America.

The failure to incorporate Spain's Islamic past into the nationalist discourse has

meant that during the last two hundred years the importance attached toresearch into Arab - as opposed to Christian - medieval periods, has variedenormously. Moreover, and this is what I wish to emphasise here, this has alsobeen reflected in archaeological studies. This article, therefore, is an attempt toanalyze the impact and influence of nationalist ideology on the development ofmedieval Islamic archaeology in Spain. The problems facing this study derivefrom the fact that, in contrast to earlier periods for which written documents arescarce and material remains are rare, enormous amounts of evidence of thistype exist for the medieval period. As a result, it is difficult to identify purelyarchaeological studies and {END OF PAGE 69} avoid confusing these withhistorical studies of written sources or with linguistic or artistic analyses.

Studies of Islamic medievalism in the nineteenth century.

From the union of the Iberian kingdoms in a single monarchy in the sixteenthcentury (including Portugal between 1580 and 1640) until the nineteenthcentury, Spanish historiography was characterised by the predominance of theperception of its Arab legacy as something intrusive, as something alien to thepurely Spanish. This attitude is exemplified in the pre-nationalist HistoriaGeneral de Espaawritten in 1592 by Father Mariana, a work which must be

understood within the context of the tangible ethnic conflict continuing a centuryafter the conquest of the last Moslem stronghold. The loss of the kingdom ofGranada in 1492 implied the imposition on the Moriscos (name given to the


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inhabitants of the disappeared Islamic Kingdom of Granada and to theirdescendants) not only of a new Christian nobility, but also of their religion itself.This was achieved by the use of force, applied for example though the HolyOffice or Inquisition established in the sixteenth century, and threats to expelthose who did not convert to Christianity which were ultimately carried out in1609 and 1610. Father Mariana considered the Moslem period a greatcatastrophe for Spain. The day the Moslims arrived had been ill-fated, a sadand tearful day, as there disappeared the illustrious name of the Goths, theirmilitary might, the eminence of times past, there the hope for the future ended;and the [Visigothic] empire which had endured more than three hundred yearswas defeated by this ferocious and cruel people. After seven centuries the Arabpresence had been brought to an end in his view with honour and to theadvantage of all Spain. Mariana's opinions would have a great influence onlater writers as a consequence of the widespread diffusion of his work, which forexample, resulted in the publication of a number of editions even in thenineteenth century. Significantly, in the nineteenth century edition consulted forthis article there is not a single engraving of an Muslim monarch (compared to

six of Christian kings).

In the eighteenth century, the traditional disdain for the Middle Ages persisted.In contrast to the classical period, the Middle Ages were considered, in thewords of the conservative Enlightenment author Forner, as those sevencenturies of darkness and barbarity in the history of Spain (quoted in Maravall1991: 45). However, despite the prevalence of adverse opinion, it was in theeighteenth century that the first Arab studies were undertaken in Spain. In thefield of art, the Real Academia de Bellas Artes {END OF PAGE 70} de SanFernandopublished in 1780 a study of the palace of the Alhambra. At the sametime, a number of authors began to express a positive assessment of Islamic

Spain, defending it as the only redoubt of civilization in an otherwise barbarianEurope. This idea was shared by foreign intellectuals who had visited Spain(Murphy, 1815) and was accompanied by the orientalization of the image ofSpain. In the 1820s, the French poet Victor Hugo commented in his Orientalsthat Spain had a highly African character, by which he intended to stress itsexoticism and hence its non-Europeanness. It should be noted that opinions ofthis type were expressed by citizens of then dominant nations, such as France,Great Britain, and from 1871, Germany. These ideas were repeated throughoutthe nineteenth and early twentieth century, when it was possible to readparagraphs such as the following, written by Alfred Fouill in his Equissepsychologique des peuples europens (The psyche of European peoples)

published in 1903: Occupied by the Moors [please, note the negativeconnotation of the use of this word] for various centuries, Spain had received astrong measure of African blood. Some Celtic and Germanic elements arefound in the North and West. These, however, are mainly preserved in theSpanish aristocracy (Fouill 1903: 143).

The first proponent of Arab or Oriental studies in Spain was the Enlightenmentscholar Jos Antonio Conde (1765-1820) (Moreno Alonso 1979: 506). Thisearly interest, however, was effectively strangled by the severe censorship ofliberalism, and also, therefore, of nationalism and the study of history. Thiscensorship was established under Ferdinand VII (1813-33) and by the

consequences of the civil war (the First Carlist War) after his death and whichonly ended in 1840. In the context of a nationalist culture which, as we shallsee, was largely hostile to the incorporation of Arab elements into the national


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past (see for example Aparisi y Guijarro 1843), it is only possible to understandhow the institutionalization of the study of Moslim Spain was possible byreference to the declining influence of the Catholic Church in Spain.

With the establishment of the liberal regime in 1833 the State took a number ofmeasures to reinforce its own power by weakening that of the Church. The mainmeasures were carried out in 1834, when a number of convents weresuppressed, and in 1835, when most religious orders were dissolved and theirproperties confiscated, thereby causing the financial ruin of the Catholic Churchin Spain. Not even the conservative Moderates, in power for much of thenineteenth century, reversed these measures. All this did not impede thesigning of a Concordat with the Holy See in 1851 or the proclamation of Spainas a confessional State in the various constitutions enacted before 1868. Inopposition to this official position there emerged a popular anticlericalism whichsometimes found expression in convent burnings and {END OF PAGE 71}uncontrolled violence (1834, 1835, 1868). Although they did not go to suchextremes, many intellectuals also became distanced from the Church, and it

was they who made it possible to contemplate the defence of the study of theIslamic past of the Catholic State. This does not mean that researchers hadnecessarily renounced all religious beliefs, but rather that their interest in historytook precedence. In this way, religion put itself at the service of the Nation-stateand its need to construct the quasi-mythological past which constituted its veryraison d'tre.

Despite the peculiar features outlined above, the promotion of Oriental studiesin Spain was not isolated, however, from the wider European context. This canbe seen, for example, from the active correspondence Spanish specialistsmaintained with their European counterparts, and, albeit more rarely, the

participation of the former in international meetings (Marn 1992: 385). Moreexceptionally, the close contact some Spanish Arabists had with foreigncountries was exemplified by the case of Pascual de Gayangos y Arce, whomarried an Englishwoman and spent much of his life in London where heachieved great prestige (Enciclopedia 1930 (25): 1118).

It was in this context of broadening horizons that a chair of Arabic wasestablished in the University of Madrid in 1843, a post occupied by PascualGayangos. Three years later, Jos Moreno Nieto was appointed to the secondchair established in Granada (Moreno Alonso 1979: 506-571). In this period italso became possible to hear more favourable, and sometimes distinctly

positive, evaluations of Spain's Islamic legacy. Writing in a history textbookpublished in 1850, the priest Joaqun Rodrguez declared that he did not believethat religious differences were sufficient motive to deprive them (the Arabs) of justice, to abuse their name and insult their creed; these are things againstChristian moral and even if they were not, there would never be grounds fortaking pride in being descended from the Goths, that barbarian people whichdestroyed the sciences and the arts in our land, nor for being reluctant to callourselves descendants of the Arabs who, with their good government andwisdom, drew back the veil of ignorance which blinded us, and gave ourcharacter that energy which made us the arbiters of the world in the fifteenthcentury (quoted in Cirujano Marn et al. 1985: 62-63).

A negative vision of the Arab world nevertheless continued to predominate inSpain. In his influential Historia General de Espaa published in 1850, the


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historian Modesto Lafuente associated the Spanish nation exclusively withChristian medieval Spain. This became clear, for example, in his reply to thequestion {END OF PAGE 72} as to whether the Moslem invasion had led to thedisappearance of all traces of Visigothic society, and to the death of Spain as anation. The answer, he argued, was that it had not. The nation had remainedalive although helpless and poor, in a small corner of this once vast andpowerful kingdom (Lafuente 1850: 57). Toms Muoz Romero (1860)expressed a similar idea when he called for the promotion of the study of theMiddle Ages, again equated solely with the Christian world. He maintained thattheir importance stemmed from the formation during this period of the Christiankingdoms in the Peninsula, their nationalities, institutions, the language andcharacter of their inhabitants, their literature and art. Whilst, therefore,specialists considered it necessary to demonstrate the utility of the study andpromotion of the Arabic language in order to illustrate the history of our nationwith documents written in Arabic (Simonet 1867: 6), they could also portray theMozarabs(the Christians who in the Middle Ages lived in Moslem territory) ashaving preserved under Arab occupation the religion, the national spirit and the

culture of Ancient Roman, Visigothic and Christian Spain (Simonet 1897-1903:VII). Equally, it was argued that they, along with the Mulades (the Christianswho had converted to Islam and lived among the moslems) had contributedconsiderably with their numbers, knowledge and culture, to the splendour andprosperity of the Spanish-Arab Empire (Simonet 1897-1903: XVII). Simonetmaintained, therefore, that the Arabs themselves had added little to the cultureof Spain (Caro Baroja 1957: 153) as everything could be attributed to thedescendants of the Visigoths, irrespective of the religion (Christianity or Islam)they professed. In the introduction to a book by Simonet, it was even assertedthat many of the most admirable aspects of Islamic Spain were the product ofcommunication and contact maintained with the Christian peoples of the West

(de Madrazo 1858: XIII).

In the vision of history disseminated through both painting (Dez 1992) andhistorical literature set in the medieval period (Moreno Alonso 1979: 98),references to the Moslem world were almost totally absent, or at mostexceptional. An exception was Francisco Martnez de la Rosa's novel Lamoraima (The Moors) (Espadas Burgos & Urquijo Goitia 1990: 398). Thecontrast with the abundant representations of the Christian world was evident.

It was in this ideological climate that medieval archaeology began to emerge asa discipline. As the heir to antiquarianism, the first archaeological investigations

in the nineteenth century were essentially artistic, devoted to the study ofmonuments (1859), inscriptions (Lafuente Alcntara 1859, Amador de los Ros1875, 1880, and Almagro Crdenas 1879) and coins (Conde 1982 [1817],Codera y Zaidn 1979, Rada y Delgado 1892 and Vives y Escudero 1893).These early antiquarians-archaeologists firmly {END OF PAGE 73} reinforcedthe vision of Islamic Spain as being extraneous to Spanish culture. This attitudewas justified by their conviction that religion constituted a fundamental factor anindelible mark, of a civilization (Monumentos... 1859: [3]). Accordingly, themulti-volume study of architectural monuments in Spain (study that had to beconsidered as archaeology, as specified in the prologue), published between1856 and 1882, reflected the belief that the most appropriate division in Spanish

art and archaeology was that which distinguished between the pagan, theChristian and the Moslem. The commission of experts responsible for the workconsidered that the Middle Ages could not be treated as a whole, as Spain had


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then been divided into two totally hostile and incompatible worlds (Monuments...1859: [3]).

Although some researchers called for this perspective to be abandoned, inpractice they continued to perceive the Islamic world as essentially non-Spanish. This was the case, for example, of the historian Emilio LafuenteAlcntara who in 1859 drew attention to the way in which the Arab world hadbeen ignored by experts as a result of their deep opposition to the customs andbeliefs, and of that kind of fatality which always seems to dog the defeated, theirlanguage, their ideas, their artistic and literary monuments had been (...)considered of little importance, totally incapable of providing any useful lesson,and unworthy of the attention of the erudite (Lafuente Alcntara 1859: V). Thisdid not prevent him, however, from affirming that one of the characteristicfeatures of the Spanish people was its disdain for that intrusive race, with whichit had to struggle for long centuries. Similarly, despite being one of the mostimportant experts on Moslem archaeology (a field in which he would be followedand surpassed by his son Manuel Gmez Moreno y Martnez), Manuel Gmez

Moreno y Gonzlez, lecturer at the School of Fine Art in Granada, also saw theArab invasion as a disaster (Gmez Moreno 1890: 3), and a terrible calamity(Gmez Moreno 1892: 12).

In opposition to the general trend, some researchers began to include what theycharacterised as the brilliant Arab period in their accounts of national history.One example was Rodrigo Amador de los Ros, who could speak Arabic andwho compiled the first catalogue of Islamic coins in the Museo ArqueolgicoNacional (MAN) (National Archaeology Museum). He considered that it wasimportant to study Arabic inscriptions, as these would contribute in some way toclarifying that part of the national history still most unknown and complement

and bolster the then still scarce archaeological investigations (Amador de losRos 1875: 6). One of the most positive authorities was the professor of ArabicFrancisco Codera y Zaidn (1879: V) who included the Islamic legacy in hisstudy of national history, arguing, for example, that through the analysis ofSpanish-Arabic coins it was possible to reconstruct the history of the Spanishpeople. He {END OF PAGE 74} could not conceive of the possibility of studyingthe history of Spain without a knowledge of Arabic and hence called for this tobe taught in university history departments and not only to philology students(Codera 1903). Nevertheless, in a report made on a journey to Algeria andTunisia, Cordera did note the distance which separates the Moslem race fromour own (Pons Boigues 1952 [1888]: 157).

Not only were Oriental studies included in accounts of national history, but bytheir very nature they were to a certain extent nationalist, because unlike inother countries, the field of analysis was limited to Spain. However, a ratherdifferent reading of this situation might be suggested, namely the distinct lack ofenthusiasm in Spain for colonial adventures, a consequence of the Spanisheconomic depression and, at the ideological level, the profound feeling ofdecadence which overcame nineteenth century Spain (Jover 1994). In fact, themost notable action of this type during the nineteenth century, the African Warof 1859-60, was said by contemporary specialists to have stimulated interest inArabic studies (Fernndez y Gonzlez in Lpez Garca 1979: 283). The work of

the painter Fortuny should be seen in this context, as he developed an interestin the Islamic remains in Spain and visited Granada to paint the Alhambra onlyafter having been in Africa when he painted various pictures relating to the war


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and other more popular and ethnographic subjects. On the other hand, thereformer and intellectual Joaqun Costa directly linked Spanish expansion inAfrica to the obligation to carry out archaeological excavations there (see forexample Costa 1887).

The cultural societies, academies and commissions for monuments were theprincipal channels for the apparition of new archaeological remains in thenineteenth century, and they did not discriminate against Islamic sites. The firstknown excavation of Islamic remains took place in Granada on the site ofMadinat Ilbira. This was carried out by members of the city's Artistic and LiteraryLiceum following initial finds in 1842 (Gmez Moreno 1888: 5-6). Thedistribution of the remains from this site between the MAN in Madrid and theArchaeological Museum of Granada, founded in 1867 and 1877 respectively,provides eloquent testimony of the significance attached to these finds and ofthe way they were incorporated into accounts of the national history. So toodoes the fact that after the initial renovation, the first hall to be visited in theMAN was precisely that dedicated to Islamic and Mudejar -Mudejars were

Christians who had moved from the Moslem to the Christian territory and,therefore, had in their productions a great influence from Islamic art- antiquities(Marcos Pous 1993: 64).

As the Islamic past began to be considered of some relevance intellectualsbegan to attribute as much importance to Arab archaeology as they did to {ENDOF PAGE 75} that of the Visigoths. The first scientific excavation of Arabremains was the work of historian Pedro de Madrazo y Gayangos (1855) onMadinat al-Zahra. The position of this city had been the subject of controversyuntil Pascual de Gayangos translated Maqquar's text into English in 1840-43.From the information contained in this work, de Madrazo and Gayangos

identified the ruins found in the site of Crdoba La Vieja with those of Madinatal-Zahra (de Madrazo y Gayangos 1855: 407-426). In 1853 they asked themoderate government for permission to excavate there, and the following yearthe Minister of Public Works (ministro de fomento) appointed commissions inMadrid and in Crdoba to carry out the project.

If in Spanish nineteenth century nationalism there existed this conflict betweenthe Arab and the Christian, the peripheral nationalist movements whichemerged at the end of the century - in Catalonia and the Baque Country-stressed the meagre or non-existent presence of Arabs in their regions. ThusCatalan historiography began to vaunt Catalan's superiority over the rest of

Spain in terms of the few years of Islamic rule it had experienced. Most earlyhistories of Catalonia began in the Middle Ages (see for example Balari i Jovany1899), and despite the later work of the Catalan prehistorian Bosch Gimperathis still remains true of textbooks of varying merit published more recently(Ferret 1980, Puigjaner 1989).

In contrast to the Catalan case, Andalusia's Islamic past came to be seen as acertain source of pride in the region. Jos Moreno Nieto, who had been the firstProfessor of Arabic in the University of Granada, considered that somemedieval monuments belonged to Andalusian history (Moreno Nieto 1864: 27).These ideas found their greatest expression in Blas Infante, the leader of

Andalusian nationalism during the first third of the twentieth century. He claimedthat the Andalusians had summoned the Arabs in order to end feudal Germanicrule and that the Islamic period had been one of liberty and cultural splendour


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during which Andalusia had dominated the rest of Spain. According to thisauthor, the Christian reconquest had been a catastrophe which had led to theenslavement of the region's inhabitants (Infante 1931: 74-75).

Islamic versus Visigothic. Rival claims to the origin of the Spanish nation:the first three decades of the twentieth century.

The loss of Spain's last remaining overseas territories (Cuba and the Filippines)in 1898 provoked a profound identity crisis which prompted, in response, a far-reaching renovation of academic structures and the renewal of the debate overthe notion of the Spanish nation. A critical consciousness of Spanish {END OFPAGE 76} nationality emerged which can be traced back to the regenerationistmovement, of which Joaqun Costa was one of the most influential figures.

One means of recovering lost national pride was by seizing power in NorthAfrica. Already in the nineteenth century, two major expeditions had been

launched (1859-1860 and 1893-1894) with little longterm colonial significance.At the Algeciras Conference in 1906, the European powers drew up anagreement which enabled France and Spain to establish protection and legalcontrol of Morocco, whilst Germany, Great Britain and Italy gained commercialand financial power. However, only in 1912 was the Spanish protectorate inMorocco, which would end in 1956, effectively established. The failed attempt tocreate a Centre of Arab Studies in 1908 should be seen in this light. Inspired bythe ideas of Julin Ribera y Tarrag, this centre was intended to be aninstitution for the study of both classical and spoken Arabic, the history not onlyof Al-Andalus but also of Morocco, in order to train professionals for work inNorth Africa. Although the Spanish government issued a decree creating and

financing the institution, the political see-saw wrecked [it] before its birth (AsnPalacios & Garca Gmez 1933: 4-5). Study of the Islamic past of Spain wouldhave been of primordial importance in this centre. Its principal promoter, Ribera,professor of Arabic at the University of Zaragoza from 1887, and at theUniversity of Madrid after 1905, stressed its importance for a real examinationof our national consciousness. This was a consequence of his conviction thatthe part of the Spanish people which converted to Islam (those who stood outpolitically, socially, scientifically and artistically in Andalusia were Spaniards)allowed itself to be influenced by that Islamic civilization and acquired its ownpersonality within this (...). For, and I repeat (as I will do over and over again,given that justice requires me to do so), the Moslems of the Peninsula were

Spanish: Spanish by race, Spanish by language, Spanish by character, taste,tendencies and temperament (Ribera 1928: 461, 463, 468, quoted in Marn1992: 388). Thus, in contrast to what occurred in other European countries,intellectuals in Spain did not distinguish between colonial action and their ownhistorical past, as both were united by their common significance in thenationalist construction.

The nationalist protest provoked by the sale of one of the most representativepieces of Spanish prehistoric art, the Lady of Elche, to the Louvre led in thelong-term to the enactment of a law which banned the export of archaeologicaltreasures and objects and regulated archaeological excavations (Bosch

Gimpera 1980). It was no coincidence that the best-financed excavations duringthe second and third decades of the century were the Celtiberian site ofNumancia (for its connections to the historical construction of Spanish


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nationalism see Daz-Andreu forthcoming a and b), the Roman remains ofItalica and Merida and, {END OF PAGE 77} most significantly for what concernsus here, the Moslem site of Madinat al-Zahra (Relacin... 1915-23). The firstsite report reflected the thinking behind the excavation. Here the site'simportance in the European context was emphasised, as at the time of theCaliphate of Crdoba this city had not only been the metropolis of the entireMoslem Empire in Spain and the greatest cultural centre of the century, but ithad also witnessed the first renaissance of art in the medieval West. TheEuropean dimension was further highlighted by comparing its artisticimportance to that which Greece and Rome represented in the eras of Periclesand Augustus (Hernndez 1923: 3, 6). That is, there was an attempt toclassicize and Europeanize the Islamic world so that it could be easilyassimilated into the construction of Spain's national past.

This Europeanization of the Islamic indicated a more positive climate than thatwhich had previously existed and permitted the creation in 1915 of the first chairof Arab Archaeology at the University of Madrid. This was occupied by Manuel

Gmez Moreno y Martnez (1870-1970) who exemplified both the legacy of allthe negative connotations surrounding the study of the Arab world and thechange of mentality in Spanish nationalism during the first third of the century.At first, whilst he was still young and heavily influenced by the provincialbackground from which he came (Granada), Gmez Moreno voiced an anti-European ideology. In 1911, for example, he ended his doctoral thesis byaffirming that the art related to religion in Spain was an allegory of the strugglewhich has been waged between absorbent Europe and a reserve of Spanishrebelliousness opposed to all that comes from the Pyrenees. Our race, in spiteof the many acts of surrender which colour its history, is not European (GmezMoreno y Martnez 1911: 28). Like his father before him, he considered the

Arab invasion of the Iberian Peninsula to have been a disaster which had led tothe oppression of the Christian people (Gmez Moreno 1928: 270 and 322).This explains his great interest in the study of Mozarabic culture, the mostclosely related to Christianity within the Moslem world. However, his Spanishnationalism changed over the years and he would later accept that Moslemculture was fully Spanish. Describing the exceptional personality of Arabarchitecture in Spain, he affirmed that the peculiarly Spanish culture developedfrom its own particular heritage: from the Roman, the Gothic, with a little ofByzantium which came from ancient times; but all this had to be orientalized toserve Islamic society (Gmez Moreno 1932: 66-67). He considered, moreover,that between the Christian and Islamic elements there did not exist that

antagonistic divergence which separates the vanquished from the victors, butrather relations of coexistence which enabled them to be mutually creative(Gmez Moreno 1932: 65).

Probably not unconnected to the consolidation of the {END OF PAGE 78}Spanish protectorate in Morocco after 1925, in 1932 Escuelas de EstudiosArabeswere created in Madrid and Granada along the lines of the 1908 project.Once again this decision was justified by reference to the past, to Spain'sunavoidable duty to study in depth and adequately value the cultural legacywhich Islamic civilization passed on to us during the Middle Ages and theprofound influence which the Moslem people had on our economic and political

history during eight centuries of domination and coexistence (...) SpanishArabism, unlike that of many other European nations, is not for us merescientific curiosity, unrelated to our environment and uprooted from all human


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interest, nor does it combine spiritual fervour with commercial or imperialinterests. For us, Arab studies are an intrinsic and beloved necessity for, as wesaid to begin with, they link many pages of our history, reveal estimablecharacteristics of our literature, our thought, our art, penetrate deep into ourlanguage and, maybe, even to a greater or lesser extent into our life (AsnPalacios & Garca Gmez 1933: 1, 3). Although the Schools were established inthe spirit of the 1908 project and, consequently, a department of Moroccanstudies was planned, most of the studies remained restricted to the history ofMoslem Spain (Marn 1992: 386-87). Their collective voice was the journal Al-Andalus which was first published in 1933 and included an archaeologicalreport of Moslem Spain, largely compiled (until his death in 1960) by thearchitect Leopoldo Torres Balbs.

However, the first third of the twentieth century also saw the consolidation of anew field of research which placed particular emphasis on the Visigothic period.This was mainly undertaken by a group of politically conservative researcherswho in accordance with their interpretations constituted two distinct tendencies

(Olmo Enciso 1991). One of those tendencies was openly pro-Germanic,connected to German research initiatives and formed by archaeologists whohad close contact with that country. These included Julio Martnez Santa-Olalla,who spoke with admiration of the Germanic invaders and of the Germanizationof Spain. This group was joined by some German researchers working inSpain, such as Zeiss, who sought to establish the national dispersion area ofthe Visigoths. The second group was centred on the University of Valladolid andwas more influenced by French archaeology and hence emphasised the Romanand Mediterranean substratum in the Visigothic world (Olmo Enciso 1991). TheGerman connections which inspired much of the writing on Visigothicarchaeology {END OF PAGE 79} nevertheless had a beneficial effect. For

researchers working on this period adopted the innovative excavating methodsand the influential theories that dominated that country, whilst those working inthe field of Islamic archaeology fell behind in both respects. This was to a greatextent a consequence of the predominance in the field of architects cut off fromarchaeological debate, such as Ricardo Velzquez Bosco and Flix HernndezGimnez in Madinat al-Zahra or Leopoldo Torres Balbs in the Alhambra.Mention should be made of two exceptions, archaeologists who sporadicallyworked on Moslem remains. One did so by accident, because he thought thathe had begun work on a Celtiberian settlement and found himself with an Arabone (Mlida 1926). The other because in his attempt to study Christianmedieval remains he came to excavate a Mozarabic artificial cave church (de

Mergelina 1927).

Pro-Germanic fervour and censorship of the Arab past (1939-1950).

The result of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), with the dictator FranciscoFranco's arrival in power, brought the previous liberal tradition to a dramaticend. As many intellectuals chose, or were forced, to leave the country, thescientific debate of the pre-war years continued in exile, led from Argentina andthe United States by the historians Claudio Snchez Albornoz (President of theSpanish Republic in exile from 1959 to 1970) and Amrico Castro. Whilst the

former defended a Castilianized vision of Spain, stressing the importance ofGermanic elements rather than the Jewish or Moslem communities, AmricoCastro (1948) saw Spain's origins as fruit of the coexistence of Jews, Arabs and


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Christians during the Middle Ages. In his Espaa, un enigma histrico(Spain, ahistorical enigma) published in 1956, Snchez Albornoz wrote: No; theessentially Hispanic character could not be affected by Arabization. Theobstacles to this are well-documented. The vital structures of the inhabitants ofthe peninsula were firmly established before the Tariq's Berbers set foot inGibraltar in 711. The Arabic-Islamic world was still fluid and undefined. Manyhuman groups came to Spain who had only recently converted to Islam andwere still not Arabized. The pre-Moslem Hispanic world retained its vitality. Thecultural Arabization of the Spaniards subject to the domination of Islamproceeded very slowly and their integral arabization only came much later or didnot come at all (Snchez Albornoz 1956: 189). {END OF PAGE 80}Ignoring what was taking place among the many intellectuals in exile, Franco'sSpain took up the most conservative strand of Spanish nationalism andgrounded its legitimacy on the religious and territorial unity established underthe Catholic Monarchs after 1492. It should not, therefore, come as a surprise tolearn that the Arab past was once again relegated to the status of the non-Spanish. A good example of this attitude can be found in the introduction to

Menndez Pidal's Historia de Espaa (History of Spain). Whilst it was madeclear that in the past Spain had been in close contact with Africa and that thisshould be seen as positive, for Africanism was then [in the first centuries of ourera] the equivalent of later Europeanism, that is, a tendency to break out fromcultural isolation (Menndez Pidal 1947: LXXIV), the Arab invasion was said tohave signified a serious imbalance in the life of the entire WesternMediterranean, and in particular for Spain. The splendorous Latin, deeplyChristian Africa (...) had become Islamic Africa, had been torn from the Westernworld to have its future tied to the Asiatic Orient (1947: LXXV). Asturias, wherethe Christian reconquest had started, was thus the sole representative of freeSpain, that Christian Spain which had inherited the Greco-Latin cultural legacy

(1947: LXXVI). The text went on to define the adoption of morisco customs asan affront to national sentiments (1947: LXXVIII). Isabel I of Castile was labelledthe Princess of Asturias (1947: LXXIX). Finally, it was stated that subsequentlythe Spanish State was based on the unity of the Catholic faith (1947: LXXIX).

Given this ideological climate, the dismantlement of all the institutions dedicatedto Oriental studies might have been expected. However, this was not to be thecase. Their survival was perhaps related to the fact that the military rising whichled to the Civil War had started in Spain's African colonies, where many of theferociously conservative elements in the military were based, or to the majorrole that Moroccan troops had played in Franco's victory. However, another

factor should also be born in mind. For in a period in which the great power ofthe Spanish empire was emphasised, it is hardly surprising that it wasconsidered necessary to highlight the role of the little that remained of this,namely the Spanish protectorate in Morocco and colonies in the Sahara andGuinea. Soon after the end of the Civil War, the Instituto General Franco deEstudios e Investigaciones Hispano-Arabe (General Franco Institute forHispano-Arab Study and Research) was set up under the auspices of theMinistry of Foreign Affairs to finance research on the Arab world. The Escuelasde Estudios Arabes(School of Arab Studies) which had been opened in Madridand Granada in 1932 managed to survive as offshoots of the Instituto BenitoArias Montano of the Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientficas (CSIC)

(Higher Council for Scientific Research). Although also in the CSIC, ManuelGmez Moreno joined the Instituto Diego {END OF PAGE 81} Velzquez deArte y Arqueologa (Diego Velzquez Institute of Art and Archaeology). As a


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result, archaeology was marginalized within the Escuelas de Estudios Arabesand interest in the field was only maintained through the publication in thejournal Al-Andalusof the archaeological reports which were almost exclusivelythe work of Leopoldo Torres Balbs.

In the universities, however, there was a radical break in the study of Islamicarchaeology. This was largely the consequence of an incident which hadoccurred shortly before the outbreak of the Civil War, namely the decision takenby Manuel Gmez Moreno y Martnez around 1934 to leave the University. Hewas not replaced, and his chair was never again occupied as such. For whenGmez Moreno reached the age of retirement in 1940 it seems that his chairwas made one of History of Medieval Art, filled in 1942 by Jos Camn Aznar.In the opinion of specialists in the field, this should have been occupied by JuanAntonio Gaya Nuo, imprisoned until 1943 on political grounds. Apparently inaccordance with the nationalist sentiments of the time, there seems to havebeen no intention of continuing the teaching of Arabic archaeology in theuniversity.

As the Second World War progressed and events began to favour the Allies,certain changes were introduced in an attempt to counter the isolation felt byFrancoist Spain. The Instituto General Franco de Estudios e InvestigacinHispano-Arabe disappeared. The Instituto Hispano-Arabe de Cultura(Hispanish-Arab Institute of Culture) was created. Within the C.S.I.C., where theInstituto Benito Arias Montano had previously been responsible for both Araband Hebrew studies, the former were transferred to the Insituto Miguel Asnestablished in 1944.

This change in attitude was also reflected in volume five of the History of Spain

edited by Menndez Pidal which was devoted to Moslem Spain. Published adecade after the Introduction quoted above, it offered a substantially differentinterpretation of the subject. Part of the work was entrusted to Leopoldo TorresBalbs, who had been retired from official research after the war (Rosell Bordo1985: 9). Torres Balbs challenged the interpretation put forward by MenndezPidal, contrasting the ephemeral world of the Visigoths which did not have timeto establish deep roots in Iberian territory with the greatness of the AndalusianCaliphate and its refined civilization (...) If the Visigoths were not able to leadany movement of importance in the Peninsula, the oriental Islamic current gavenew life to an environment favourable to its development (Torres Balbs 1957:333-34).

Medieval archaeology reflected all these changes. In contrast to the depressedstate of Islamic archaeology (hardly any excavations were carried out in thisperiod (Rosell Bordoy 1985)), interest in the Visigoths rose again after the CivilWar. Lauro Olmo Enciso (1991) has revealed the {END OF PAGE 82} evidentpolitical implications of this development, distinguishing between two groups ofspecialists in the field. The first, based in Madrid and identified with the mostconservative ideologies, defended the idea of the exclusively Germanic originsof the Visigoth people (Olmo Enciso 1991: 159). The archaeologists linked tothe University of Barcelona who formed the second, more liberal, groupstressed the Mediterranean and Byzantine connections in the Visigothic world.

Although they recognised the existence of a Germanic ethnographic group,some of these researchers, such as Palol, spoke of the need to classify thosepreviously labelled Visigoths as Hispano-Visigoths, so diluting their Germanic


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character (Olmo Enciso 1991: 158). Visigothic archaeology, however, could notremain immune to the consequences of the National-Socialist defeat in WorldWar II and the ideological advance of more moderate Catholic groups within theFrancoist regime. On the one hand, the momentum of activity in the field wasreduced, and on the other, the more pro-Germanic positions disappeared from it(Olmo Enciso 1991: 160).

During the Sixties, the study of medieval archaeology as a whole declined.Visigothic archaeology still suffered the effects of its previously openidentification with National Socialist Germany. As for Islamic archaeology, itsposition also worsened. Following the deaths of Leopoldo Torres Balbs in1960 and Manuel Gmez Moreno a decade later, the necessary renovation inthe ranks of researchers in the field scarcely took place, and those that didembark on work faced a lack of support. During the first two decades of theFrancoist regime, the refusal to incorporate the Islamic period into accounts ofthe national past and hence its exclusion from (or non reincorporation into) theuniversity syllabus meant that these studies were expelled from Spanish

academia's patronage system. In 1960 Guillem Rosell was refused permissionto present a paper on Andalusi archaeology (i.e. Islamic archaeology) in theNational Congress of Archaeology, and this rejection of works on medievalarchaeology persisted until 1971 (despite exceptions, such as the acceptance in1968 of a paper by the then young Islamic archaeologist Zozaya, a paper whichdefended the study of the Middle Ages on the grounds that this was anabsolutely fundamental period in the history of Spain (Zozaya 1968: 849)).

The revival of Islamic archaeology.

At the end of the Sixties and during the Seventies cultural nationalism appearedto be in decline worldwide. It did not seem that such idealism had a place in aworld which optimistically saw itself immersed in technological progress and{END OF PAGE 83} which accepted its growing mastery of human life. Thisenthusiasm also infected new archaeology in the English-speaking world andthe never defined new archaeology in continental Europe. Archaeology'sapparent abandonment of nationalist ideology enabled other types ofarchaeology which had previously enjoyed little support, as was the case ofIslamic archaeology in Spain, to achieve greater recognition. Since then it hasno longer been necessary to have any explicit nationalist justification for doinghistory, as this was now considered an empty book full of tables which should

be filled with all the data (including, in the case of Spain, that from the Islamicperiod). It was in this context that a new professional ethic emerged which nolonger saw the function of the historian to be that of the patriot.

It is in this context that one should understand the revival of Islamicarchaeology. This displayed a number of novel characteristics. Firstly, it at lastbegan to distance itself from art history and embrace archaeological methodsand techniques. This move was facilitated by the training in prehistoricarchaeology received by new researchers who joined the field in this period,among the first of whom were Guillem Rosell Bordoy and Juan Zozaya Stabel-Hansen, and by the important entrance of the French School in Iberian Andalusi

studies (Guichard 1990). Secondly, reflecting the new situation and in commonwith those of other archaeological specialities, publications espoused anapparent neutrality based on the presentation of precise data and supposedly


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objective descriptions. Publications discussed excavations, ceramic and otherobjects found, and references to national history were almost definitivelydropped (although see Pavn 1975 and the polemic between Barcel, Guichardand Rosell on the one hande and Rubiera Mata and Epalza on the other(Epalza 1985, Rosell Bordoy 1987)). Moreover, as in the case of Orientalstudies (Marn 1992: 388-9), Arab names were no longer given in theirEuropean or Spanish form. Since then, use of the terms Islamic Spain orHispano-Moslem and the like has been avoided (only partially so in this articlein accordance with its historiographical content) and replaced by others, suchas Al-Andalus, Andalusi Archaeology, etc. Castilianized names such asMedina Azahara have been substituted by their Arabic equivalents such asMadinat al-Zahra. This tendency (although incomplete, since we still writeGranada and not Garn_ta) is in complete harmony with the transformation oreclipse of nationalist sentiments and historical perspectives.

The reintroduction of democracy into the Spanish political system in 1978resulted in modifications in Oriental studies. On the one hand, the names and

objectives of a number of the institutions devoted to studying the Arab worldwere altered in accordance with the new political situation. Thus, the InstitutoHispano-Arabe de Cultura became the Instituto de Cooperacin con el {ENDOF PAGE 84} Mundo Arabe(Institute for Cooperation with the Arab World). Thetitle of the journal Al-Andalus was changed in 1980 to that of Al-Qan_ara,although this was largely the result of a personal, as opposed to, institutionalinitiative (Marn, pers. com.). Through this title the journal's editor sought tosymbolize a bridge -called Al-Qan_ara in arabic- between the old and the newperiod. The archaeological section was maintained in its existing form, albeitonly in a subsidiary role, until it was finally deleted in 1988.

The continuation of the tendency already visible in the Seventies ensured thatmedieval archaeology would continue to thrive. New journals were published,Acta Histrica et Archaeologicain Barcelona in 1980, and a year later Estudiosde Historia y Arqueologa Medievales in Cadiz. The Asociacin Espaola deArqueologa Medieval (Spanish Association of Medieval Archaeology) wascreated in 1982, held its first congress in 1985 and the following year began toproduce its journal, the Boletn de Arqueologa Medieval. In all these Andalusiarchaeology has its own space which compares favourably with that occupiedby other branches such as Visigothic archaeology.

In this panorama of technical, methodological and even linguistic innovation, of

the absence of references to national history, it might be assumed thatarchaeology (at least that of the Islamic world) no longer serves as a support fornationalist ideology. There is much to suggest that this is indeed the case.However, on closer examination the situation can be seen to be more complex,as the present power of nationalism lies in the fact that it has become so naturaland implicit to Western thought that it is exceedingly difficult to discern the realinfluence that it continues to exercise. To give just one example; the statutes ofthe Spanish Association of Medieval Archaeology define the organisation's aimsto be the development of the study of Medieval archaeology in Spain, withoutignoring its relations with Western or Oriental cultures (Asociacin... 1986: 5).That is to say, the object of study is clearly the existing Spanish nation-state, so

consciously or not, the work of the association contributes to the construction ofthe national past. Yet the text was specifically intended to be anti-nationalist, asthis wording was adopted as an alternative to the original and openly nationalist


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one (Zozaya, pers. com. ). On a different level, it would be necessary to discernthe personal intentions of those who choose to specialize in Andalusiarchaeology. To give just two examples, it is quite possible that more than oneAndalusian has been influenced in this respect by nationalist/regionalistsympathies and a rejection of Castilian Spanish nationalism, or that a Valencianor Balearic Islander has reacted in this way to Pan-Catalan nationalism. This isnot to suggest that all intentions can be reduced to nationalist sentiments, forthere are evident advantages to be gained by new members of the professionwho specialize in a field as relatively virgin as that of {END OF PAGE 85}medieval archaeology. Finally, at a more official level, it would be interesting toconsider whether what we are really witnessing is a process of mythsubstitution, for today the most prevalent one is that of the Spain of the threecultures (Marn 1992: 380), that fictitious medieval Spain in which Arabs, Jewsand Christians lived in peaceful coexistence.

The 1978 Constitution reflected the reemergence of peripheral nationalism inSpain -in Catalonia, the Baque Country and Galicia-, and the first stirring of

similar movements in other regions, for example in Andalusia. Spain wasdivided into 17 Autonomous Communities to which central governmenttransferred, among other things, responsibility for cultural affairs, includingarchaeology. At first, this new situation led to a reaffirmation of the need forstudies of the past as the basis for the construction of the history of each of theAutonomous Communities (these may be considered national or regionalhistoriography depending on the success of nationalism in each). TheAndalusian government exemplified this attitude, promoting a revival ofAndalusi archaeology when it was made responsible for cultural affairs in 1984.The excavation of Madinat al-Zahra was restarted in 1985, a new journal,Cuadernos de Madinat al-Zahra, was published, and in 1989 the Conjunto

Arqueolgico (Archaeological Complex) de Madinat al-Zahra was establishedas a cultural institution of Andalusian Historical Heritage (Vallejo Triano 1988-90: 183). The Islamic past is now part of popular mythology, as can be seenfrom the decision of an Andalusian pop band whose music has a certain Arabair to it, to call itself Medina Azahara(but note the use of the Castilianized nameof Madinat al-Zahra).

This brief outline of the way in which medieval Andalusi archaeology has beentreated in Spain seems to indicate the important influence that nationalism hashad on its development. It is a good illustration of the difficulties facing thedevelopment of the archaeology of a period which was not contemplated in

nationalist discourse, and also of the way in which the discipline has reflectedmodifications in nationalism, its complexity and discourse. Islamic archaeologyhas also been influenced by the image of Spain which Romantic travellers in thenineteenth century cultivated beyond the country's borders, for this has clearlyinfluenced the Spaniards own perceptions. Finally, it reveals the clash ofopposing nationalisms within the Spanish state. Namely Andalusiannationalism, still in its formative stages and struggling against the greatimportance of Andalusia in the Spanish nationalist construction. And Balearicand Valencian nationalism, whose pride in their Islamic past is an expression oftheir opposition to Catalan nationalist pretensions which aim to include theBalearic Islands and Valencia in Catalonia. And lastly, among or above all of

these, Spanish nationalism, which despite being the oldest of them all, can beseen to be still problematic and weak. Too many nationalisms for just onearchaeology. {END OF PAGE 86}


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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSThis article has benefitted enormously from conversations with Juan ZozayaStabel-Hansen, Manuela Marn, Andr Bazzana, Patrice Cressier, BasilioPavn and Mara Elena Gmez Moreno. I would also like to thank Juan ZozayaStabel-Hansen and Eduardo Manzano for their comments on the text.Translation by Justin Byrne.

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