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Viewing cable 09MONTERREY344, SAN PEDRO MAYOR-ELECT PLANS HARDHITTING CAMPAIGN TO

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Reference ID Created Released Classif ication Origin

09MONTERREY344 2009-09-17 22:10 2011-08-30 01:44 CONFIDENTIAL Consulate Monterrey

VZCZCXRO8415RR RUEHCD RUEHGD RUEHHO RUEHNG RUEHNL RUEHRD RUEHRS RUEHTMDE RUEHMC #0344/01 2602210ZNY CCCCC ZZHR 172210Z SEP 09FM AMCONSUL MONTERREYTO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 3931INFO RUEHME/AMEMBASSY MEXICO 5009RUEHXC/ALL US CONSULATES IN MEXICO COLLECTIVERHMFISS/DEPT OF JUSTICE WASHINGTON DCRUEFHLC/DEPT OF HOMELAND SECURITY WASHINGTON DCRUEABND/DEA HQS WASHDCRUEABNE/EPIC EL PASO TXRHMFISS/FBI WASHINGTON DCRUEHMC/AMCONSUL MONTERREY 9536

C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 MONTERREY 000344

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E.O. 12958: DECL: 9/17/2019TAGS: KCRMPINSSNARASECPHUMPGOVMXSUBJECT: SAN PEDRO MAYOR-ELECT PLANS HARDHITTING CAMPAIGN TO IMPROVE

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SECURITY

MONTERREY 00000344 001.2 OF 002

CLASSIFIED BY: Bruce Williamson, Principal Officer, ConsulGeneral Monterrey, State.REASON: 1.4 (b), (d)1. (C) Summary. In a September meeting with the Mayor-electof San Pedro, Nuevo Leon (the city with the highest per-capita

income in Mexico), this incoming municipal chief executiveprovided us with a pessimistic assessment of the degree of narcoinfiltration into the Monterrey area's political leadership andset forth his aggressive plan to counter such influence in hisjurisdiction. Inter alia, Mayor-elect Mauricio Fernandez (aformer federal Senator) stated that during his campaignorganized crime had offered him a 50 million peso campaigndonation, which he did not accept, although he assumed that manyof the other mayoral candidates in neighboring cities had takenthe money. Subsequent to his victory in the July 5 voting, thetrafficking cartels had contacted him and other areaMayors-elect to make clear to them what these officials wouldand would not be permitted to do in the field of publicsecurity. End Summary.

2. (C ) On September 11, Consul General and RSO met with SanPedro Mayor-elect Mauricio Fernandez (PAN), at the latter'srequest. San Pedro, Nuevo Leon is the home to many of thearea's elite `Group of 10' industrial heavyweights, and is thecity with the highest per capita income in Mexico. PerFernandez (and other analysts too), until 2005 narco-capo ArturoBeltran Leyva resided in the city and to this day cartel familymembers continue to live in the municipality under assumednames. All of the Consulate's direct-hire American employees,and several of the higher-ranking FSNs, live in San Pedro aswell.

3. (C) During the course of the hour-long conversation,Fernandez made the following points:

--- While there is public concern about the influence of thecartels, civil society is in general unaware of the degree towhich the cartels have infiltrated key state and municipalinstitutions. All of the region's police forces are controlledby organized crime. In the case of San Pedro, the ABL cartelcalled the shots althou h a 15- erson advance s uad from la

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Familia was present in the city and trying to gain a footholdamong the police force. (Separately, the former San PedroSecretary of Public Security reports that La Familia has beenengaged in such efforts intermittently since 2006.) As for theother police forces in the area, the Gulf Cartel was the truemaster. In general, and as was the case in San Pedro, thecartels did not attempt to bribe the municipal secretaries ofpublic security, but bought off the number two and number threelevel officials on the force. Note: The mid-Septemberdetention by state law enforcement authorities of the Municipal

Secretary for Public Security of Santiago (a Monterrey suburb)would represent an exception to this rule. End Note.--- Notwithstanding the desire of the ABL cartel to keep SanPedro a safe haven for family members, the cartel sponsoredkidnappings and extorted businesses within the city. Allrestaurants paid protection money, ranging up to 50,000, andeven 100,000, pesos per month. As for kidnappings, he said, theweek prior three individuals had been abducted.--- Organized crime had offered all local mayoral candidatescampaign monies. He himself was offered the grandiose sum of50 million `even though San Pedro was not a trafficking plazaand the city had only one casino.' Although Fernandez, alreadya wealthy man, did not take the money, he assumed that otherswere offered more and had taken the cash. He thought that theincoming Mayor of Monterrey, former PAN Federal Deputy FernandoLarrazabal, would have had no choice but to accept the moneygiven the pressure from the cartels. In any event, organizedcrime contacted all of the victorious mayoral candidates afterthe election to make clear to them the rules of the road.--- After an unsuccessful kidnap attempt against his daughter,Fernandez had moved his immediate family out of the country.--- San Pedro's vaunted C-4 (communication, coordination, andcontrol center) had been corrupted by the mob. Cameras onlycovered one of the 24 roads leading into the city, seven of thecity's secure radios had disappeared (thus compromising thenetwork), patrol officers had learned how to disconnect the GPSdevices in their vehicles. Seventy-two San Pedro policeofficers were dirty, he said, of which 32 had already beenrelieved; he had plans to the works to dismiss the remaining 40.Note: separate sources report that, based on 2006 polygraphtests, a full one-fifth of the San Pedro police force hadcommitted crimes or taken bribes from the cartels. Despitehaving had access to this information for three years, thecurrent Mayor had made no effort to dismiss these officers andit was estimated that the percentage of narco-cops on the forcewas now even hi her. End note.

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MONTERREY 00000344 002.2 OF 002

4. (C) Fernandez stated that he had recently met withhigh-level officials such as Jorge Tello Peon, PresidentCalderon's Deputy National Security Advisor (and a part-timeMonterrey resident); General Luis Moreno Serrano, the Army's topgeneral in Nuevo Leon, Tamaulipas, and San Luis Potosi; and

Javier Trevino Cantu, the transition chief for the Nuevo LeonGovernor elect. The consensus was, he continued, was thatworking together, PRI Governor elect Rodrigo Medina and otherelected officials in the area had approximately a year in whichto reverse the situation; otherwise, it would be difficult toreclaim lost ground. He envisioned a working partnershipbetween the military, the PGR, the state, and San Pedro, notingthat the region's other municipalities were too far gone to jointhe fight. (An inter-city anti-drug strike force contemplatedby various other incoming mayors will likely end up being toocorrupted to do much good.)

5. (C) Specifically, Fernandez outlined the followingprogram, part of which he had already started to implement, tosafeguard San Pedro. First, he would work with the privatesector to establish dedicated taxi companies for the city sothat residents would have confidence in the reliability ofpublic transport. Second, he would support those neighborhoodswhich wished to restrict public access to vehicular and foottraffic. In addition, the city would seek to regulate realestate rental contracts to prevent gangsters from occupyinghouses in residential neighborhoods. Note: Others close toFernandez are advocating that individual neighborhoodscontribute to pension plans that would help officers assigned totheir district when they retire. End Note.

6. (C) Third, Fernandez noted his prior announcement thatretired Army General Miguel Gonzalo Adalid Mier, who previouslyheld a variety of security-related positions in Mexico, wouldserve as his municipal Secretary of Public Security. In thepast, Adalid Mier has served as state Security Secretary inMichoacan, Chief of Staff of the PFP, and Secretary (and priorto that Under Secretary) for Public Security in Mexico's FederalDistrict. Fernandez stated that Alier would serve as the publicface of his security team, a figure whose presence and careerex erience would enerate increased citizen confidence. Adalid

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Mier's deputy, another Army veteran, would head a team ofexperts designed to gather information on the activities andwhereabouts of cartel elements. This intelligence would then beturned over to a 13-15 member reaction squad, which would bedirected by the Mayor but not officially appear on the city'spayroll. CG noted the difficulties that Colombia hadexperienced with private entities engaging in law enforcementactivities, pointing out, in particular, that such groups, onceconstituted, are prone to abuses themselves. Fernandez saidthat the information-gathering unit had already identified the

new ABL plaza boss for the city and that the reaction squad hadalready been partially established and had undertaken a fewtasks.

7. (C) Fernandez said that he had met with the Group of Ten inan effort to pay for equipment/salaries for the intel and thereaction squad. He still needed US$1.4 million for the intelunit and US$500,000 for the reaction unit. In the end, he feltthat business contributions would fund the entire program aswell-heeled companies would prefer to pony up to make the citysafe than to pay protection money to the cartels. In follow-upmeetings between post RSO officials and General Adalid Mier,however, the latter inquired about the possibility of MeridaInitiative funding for vetting, training and equipment.

8. (C) Comment. During the mayoral campaign, charges wereraised that, if elected, Fernandez would seek to "negotiate"security with the ABL cartel. Based upon our conversation withhim, it looks as if he has gone in the other direction:removing his family from the country, formulating a plan toconcentrate security decision-making in the mayor's office, andreaching out to the powerful local business community forsupport. He admits, however, that even if he is successful, hisrecipe is one that likely could not be duplicated by otherMexican municipalities. Few cities have such powerful corporatebenefactors and, even more importantly, while the ABL cartelmight not take kindly to a smaller presence in the city, a saferSan Pedro would prevent rival cartels (read la Familia) frommoving in and would help protect those ABL family membersresiding in the city.WILLIAMSON

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